Devaluation, Self-Hatred, and the Effects of Underdevelopment on African-Americans

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online Devaluation, Self-Hatred, and the Effects of Underdevelopment on African-Americans file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Devaluation, Self-Hatred, and the Effects of Underdevelopment on African-Americans book. Happy reading Devaluation, Self-Hatred, and the Effects of Underdevelopment on African-Americans Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF Devaluation, Self-Hatred, and the Effects of Underdevelopment on African-Americans at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Devaluation, Self-Hatred, and the Effects of Underdevelopment on African-Americans Pocket Guide.

This means that only differences of high magnitude would be detected as statistically significant, which might explain the inconsistencies in the research evidence. It should be noted, however, that if inconsistencies were the result of random error, one would expect that in some studies the heterosexual group would appear to have higher prevalences of disorders. This was not evident in the studies reviewed. My use of a meta-analytic technique to estimate combined ORs somewhat corrects this deficiency, but it is important to remember that a meta-analysis cannot overcome problems in the studies on which it is based.

It is important, therefore, to interpret results of meta-analyses with caution and a critical perspective Shapiro, One problem, which can provide a plausible alternative explanation for the findings about prevalences of mental disorders in LGB individuals, is that bias related to cultural differences between LGB and heterosexual persons inflates reports about history of mental health symptoms cf. It is plausible that cultural differences between LGB and heterosexual individuals cause a response bias that led to overestimation of mental disorders among LGB individuals.

COMMON FEATURES OF UNDERDEVELOPED COUNTRIES - ECONOMICS VIDEOS - GEI

This would happen if, for example, LGB individuals were more likely to report mental health problems than heterosexual individuals. There are several reasons why this may be the case: In recognizing their own homosexuality and coming out, most LGB people have gone through an important self-defining period when increased introspection is likely.

This could lead to greater ease in disclosing mental health problems. In addition, a coming out period provides a focal point for recall that could lead to recall bias that exaggerates past difficulties. This too could have led LGB people to be less defensive and more ready than heterosexual people to disclose mental health problems in research. To the extent that such response biases existed, they would have led researchers to overestimate the prevalence of mental disorders in LGB groups.

The Stress Concept

Research is needed to test these propositions. Over the past 2 decades, significant advances in psychiatric epidemiology have made earlier research on prevalence of mental disorders almost obsolete. Among these advances are the recognition of the importance of population-based surveys rather than clinical studies of mental disorders, the introduction of an improved psychiatric classification system, and the development of more accurate measurement tools and techniques for epidemiological research.

Two large-scale psychiatric epidemiological surveys have already been conducted in the United States: Using random sampling methodologies for large-scale studies of LGB populations is challenging and costly, but it is not impossible. Recent research has demonstrated the utility of innovative methodologies for population studies of LGB individuals Binson et al. New research must therefore continue to use random sampling to study LGB groups, combined with sophisticated measurements of sexual orientation, a larger number of respondents, and a direct test of hypotheses about patterns in prevalences of disorders and their causes.

An ideal study design would combine evidence from the investigation of within- and between-groups differences. Such a study would assess both the differences in prevalences of disorders and the causal role of stress processes in explaining excess risk for disorder in the LGB group. If in a random population sample the prevalence of disorders would be found to be higher among LGB respondents than among their heterosexual peers and if stress mechanisms explained the excess in this prevalence of disorder, then minority stress predictions would be strongly supported.

To understand causal relations, research also needs to explain the mechanisms through which stressors related to prejudice and discrimination affect mental health. Krieger called for an ecosocial perspective in social epidemiology, which would explain how social factors are embodied and lead to disease. Discussing racism, she explained,. Krieger, , p. The conclusion I propose—that LGB individuals are exposed to excess stress due to their minority position and that this stress causes an excess in mental disorders—is inconsistent with research and theoretical writings that can be described as a minority resilience hypothesis , which claims that stigma does not negatively affect self-esteem Crocker et al.

As such, my conclusion is also inconsistent with studies that showed that Blacks do not have higher prevalences of mental disorders than Whites, as is expected by minority stress formulations Kessler et al. Further research must address this apparent contradiction.

One area for the study of differences between minority stress in LGB and Black individuals concerns the socialization of minority group members. LGB individuals are distinct from Blacks in that they are not born into their minority identity but acquire it later in life. Because of this, LGB individuals do not have the benefit of growing up in a self-enhancing social environment similar to that provided to Blacks in the process of socialization.

Studying this distinction between LGB individuals and Blacks may reveal important aspects of the effect of stigma on mental health. There are several important limitations to my review. First, throughout the article I discuss LGB individuals as if they were a homogenous group.

bosol.com/screenshot/worlds/6970.php

Theorizing underdevelopment: Latin America and Romania,

That is clearly not the case. In ignoring the heterogeneity of the group I may have glossed over some important distinctions relevant to the discussion of minority stress. Similarly, lesbians and bisexual women confront stigma and prejudice related to gender in addition to sexual orientation.

For example, Brooks described affiliation with feminist organizations as a significant source of support and coping for lesbians. Finally, the review, and the studies I cite, fails to distinguish bisexual individuals from lesbian and gay individuals. Another limitation is that the review ignores generational and cohort effects in minority stress and the prevalence of mental disorder. Cohler and Galatzer-Levy critiqued analyses that ignore important generational and cohort effects. They noted great variability among generations of lesbians and gay men.

An analysis that accounts for these generational and cohort changes would greatly illuminate the discussion of minority stress. Clearly, the social environment of LGB people has undergone remarkable changes over the past few decades. Still, even Cohler and Galatzer-Levy limited their description of the new gay and lesbian generation to a primarily liberal urban and suburban environment. Evidence from current studies of youth has confirmed that the purported shifts in the social environment have so far failed to protect LGB youth from prejudice and discrimination and its harmful impact Safe Schools Coalition of Washington, In reviewing the literature I described minority stressors along a continuum from the objective prejudice events to the subjective internalized homophobia , but this presentation may have obscured important conceptual distinctions.

Two general approaches underlie stress discourse: One views stress as objective, the other as subjective, phenomena. The subjective view defines stress as an experience that depends on the relationship between the individual and his or her environment. The distinction between objective and subjective conceptualization of stress is often ignored in stress literature, but it has important implications for the discussion of minority stress Meyer, Link and Phelan distinguished between individual discrimination and structural discrimination.

Most research on social stress has been concerned with individual prejudice. For example, individuals who are not hired for a job are unlikely to be aware of discrimination especially in cases in which it is illegal. They are motivated by self-protection to detect discrimination but also by the wish to avoid false alarms that can disrupt social relations and undermine life satisfaction. For all these reasons, structural discrimination may be best documented by differential group statistics including health and economic statistics rather than by studying individual perceptions alone Adams, The distinction between objective and subjective approaches to stress is important because each perspective has different philosophical and political implications Hobfoll, The subjective view of stress highlights individual differences in appraisal and, at least implicitly, places more responsibility on the individual to withstand stress.

It highlights, for example, processes that lead resilient individuals to see potentially stressful circumstances as less or not at all stressful, implying that less resilient individuals are somewhat responsible for their stress experience. Because, according to Lazarus and Folkman , coping capacities are part of the appraisal process, potentially stressful exposures to situations for which individuals possess coping capabilities would not be appraised as stressful. Both views of the stress process allow that personality, coping, and other factors are important in moderating the impact of stress; the distinction here is in their conceptualization of what is meant by the term stress.

Thus, the subjective view implies that by developing better coping strategies individuals can and should inoculate themselves from exposure to stress. Arising from the objective—subjective distinction are questions related to the conceptualization of the minority person in the stress model as a victim versus a resilient actor. As they discuss minority stress, researchers inevitably describe members of minority groups as victims of oppressive social conditions, and they have been criticized for this characterization.

But I do deny that they define the complexity of Harlem. Current observers continue to call for researchers to move from viewing minority group members as passive victims of prejudice to viewing them as actors who interact effectively with society Clark et al. The benefits of this perspective are clear: The tension between the view of the minority person as a victim versus a resilient actor is important to note.

Viewing the minority person as a resilient actor is consistent with values of American society: However, holding such a view of minority persons can be perilous. The peril lies in that the weight of responsibility for social oppression can shift from society to the individual. Viewing the minority person as a resilient actor may come to imply that effective coping is to be expected from most, if not all, of those who are in stressful or adverse social conditions.

Failure to cope, failure of resilience, can therefore be judged as a personal, rather than societal, failing. This is especially likely when one considers the distinction described above between subjective and objective conceptualization of stress. When the concept of stress is conceptualized, following Lazarus and Folkman , as dependent on—indeed, determined by—coping abilities, then by definition, stress for which there is effective coping would not be appraised as stressful. As researchers are urged to represent the minority person as a resilient actor rather than a victim of oppression, they are at risk of shifting their view of prejudice, seeing it as a subjective stressor—an adversity to cope with and overcome—rather than as an objective evil to be abolished.

This peril should be heeded by psychologists who by profession study individuals rather than social structures and are therefore at risk of slipping from a focus on objective societal stressors to a focus on individual deficiencies in coping and resiliency Masten, I proposed a minority stress model that explains the higher prevalence of mental disorders as caused by excess in social stressors related to stigma and prejudice.

Studies demonstrated that social stressors are associated with mental health outcomes in LGB people, supporting formulations of minority stress. Evidence from between-groups studies clearly demonstrates that LGB populations have higher prevalences of psychiatric disorders than heterosexuals. Nevertheless, methodological challenges persist. To date, no epidemiological study has been conducted that planned to a priori study the mental health of LGB populations. To advance the field, it is necessary that researchers and funding agencies develop research that uses improved epidemiological methodologies, including random sampling, to study mental health within the context of the minority stress model.

I discussed two conceptual views of stress; each implies different points for public health and public policy interventions. The objective view, which highlights the objective properties of the stressors, points to remedies that would aim to alter the stress-inducing environment and reduce exposure to stress. If the stress model is correct, both types of remedies can lead to a reduction in mental health problems, but they have different ethical implications.

The former places greater burden on the individual, the latter, on society. Kitzinger warned psychologists that a subjective, individualistic focus could lead to ignoring the need for important political and structural changes:. What political choices are they making in focusing on the problems of the oppressed rather than on the problem of the oppressor?

I endorsed this perspective in illuminating distinctions between viewing the minority person as victim or resilient actor.

INTRODUCTION

My discussion of objective versus subjective stress processes is not meant to suggest that there must be a choice of only one of the two classes of intervention options. Researchers and policymakers should use the stress model to attend to the full spectrum of interventions it suggests Ouellette, The stress model can point to both distal and proximal causes of distress and to directing relevant interventions at both the individual and structural levels.

Ken Cheung for statistical consultation. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC Nov 9. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ilan H. The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Psychol Bull.

See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract In this article the author reviews research evidence on the prevalence of mental disorders in lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals LGBs and shows, using meta-analyses, that LGBs have a higher prevalence of mental disorders than heterosexuals. This distinction between prevalences of mental disorders and classification in the DSM was apparent to Marmor , who in an early discussion of the debate said, The basic issue … is not whether some or many homosexuals can be found to be neurotically disturbed. The Stress Concept In its most general form, recent stress discourse has been concerned with external events or conditions that are taxing to individuals and exceed their capacity to endure, therefore having potential to induce mental or somatic illness Dohrenwend, Minority Stress One elaboration of social stress theory may be referred to as minority stress to distinguish the excess stress to which individuals from stigmatized social categories are exposed as a result of their social, often a minority, position.

Minority Stress Processes in LGB Populations There is no consensus about specific stress processes that affect LGB people, but psychological theory, stress literature, and research on the health of LGB populations provide some ideas for articulating a minority stress model. Stress-Ameliorating Factors As early as , Allport suggested that minority members respond to prejudice with coping and resilience.

A Minority Stress Model Using the distal—proximal distinction, I propose a minority stress model that incorporates the elements discussed above. Open in a separate window. Minority stress processes in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations. Within-Group Studies of Minority Stress Processes Within-group studies have attempted to address questions about causes of mental distress and disorder by assessing variability in predictors of mental health outcomes among LGB people. Expectations of rejection and discrimination Goffman discussed the anxiety with which the stigmatized individual approaches interactions in society.

Hetrick and Martin described learning to hide as the most common coping strategy of gay and lesbian adolescents, and noted that individuals in such a position must constantly monitor their behavior in all circumstances: Internalized homophobia In the most proximal position along the continuum from the environment to the self, internalized homophobia represents a form of stress that is internal and insidious.

Between-Groups Studies of Prevalence of Mental Disorder Despite a long history of interest in the prevalence of mental disorders among gay men and lesbians, methodologically sound epidemiological studies are rare. Table 1 Prevalence of Mental Disorders: Using this analysis, I report that the authors found a significant increase in any disorder among gay men, but this finding is not reported in the original article.

Data for lifetime prevalences, which were not reported in the original article, were provided by S. Gilman personal communication, October 16, In the original, the authors reported that Suicide Whether gay men have higher prevalence of suicidal behavior has also been debated in recent years.

Limitations and Challenges The conclusion I propose—that LGB individuals are exposed to excess stress due to their minority position and that this stress causes an excess in mental disorders—is inconsistent with research and theoretical writings that can be described as a minority resilience hypothesis , which claims that stigma does not negatively affect self-esteem Crocker et al. The Objective Versus Subjective Approaches to the Definition of Stress In reviewing the literature I described minority stressors along a continuum from the objective prejudice events to the subjective internalized homophobia , but this presentation may have obscured important conceptual distinctions.

The Minority Person as Victim Versus Resilient Actor As they discuss minority stress, researchers inevitably describe members of minority groups as victims of oppressive social conditions, and they have been criticized for this characterization. Summary I proposed a minority stress model that explains the higher prevalence of mental disorders as caused by excess in social stressors related to stigma and prejudice.

Kitzinger warned psychologists that a subjective, individualistic focus could lead to ignoring the need for important political and structural changes: The rise of a gay and lesbian movement. Prejudice and exclusion as social traumata. Stressors and the adjustment disorders. Possible selves in major depression. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. Stress and oppressed social category membership. Swim JK, Stangor C, editors. The nature of prejudice. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders. Torture and ill-treatment based on sexual identity. Crimes of hate, conspiracy of silence.

Unraveling the mystery of health: How people manage stress and stay well. Prevalence of psychiatric disorders among men infected with human immunodeficiency virus: Archives of General Psychiatry. The wage effects of sexual orientation discrimination. Industrial and Labor Relations Review. Bagley C, Tremblay P. Suicidal behaviors in homosexual and bisexual males.

Homosexuality and mental illness. Social roles, gender, and psychological distress. Homosexuality and American psychiatry: The politics of diagnosis. Cooper H, Hedges LV, editors. The handbook of research synthesis. Russell Sage Foundation; Prevalence and social distribution of men who have sex with men: United States and its urban centers. Journal of Sex Research. Proceedings of the American Statistical Association: Section on survey research methods. American Statistical Association; Sampling men who have sex with men: Strategies for a telephone survey in urban areas in the United States; pp.

Branscombe NR, Ellemers N. Coping with group-based discrimination: Individualistic versus group-level strategies. The context and content of social identity threat. Perceiving pervasive discrimination among African Americans: Implications for group identification and well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. On being the same and different at the same time. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. Minority stress and lesbian women. Race, ethnicity, and culture in the sociology of mental health. Handbook of the sociology of mental health.

The power of the narrative: A multiple code account. American Psychological Association; Identity processes and social stress. The treatment of homosexuals with mental health disorders. Harrington Park Press; Textbook of homosexuality and mental health. American Psychiatric Press; Testing a theoretical model.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Epi Info Version 1. Issues of sexual identity in an ethnic minority: The case of Chinese American lesbians, gay men, and bisexual people. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities over the lifespan. Oxford University Press; Racism as a stressor for African Americans: Does sexual orientation really matter? Depressive distress among homosexually active African American men and women. American Journal of Psychiatry. Lifetime prevalence of suicide symptoms and affective disorders among men reporting same-sex sexual partners: American Journal of Public Health.

Relation between psychiatric syndromes and behaviorally defined sexual orientation in a sample of the US population. American Journal of Epidemiology. The course of gay and lesbian lives: Social and psychoanalytic perspectives.

Follow the Author

University of Chicago Press; Accelerated course of human immunodeficiency virus infection in gay men who conceal their homosexual identity. Elevated physical health risk among gay men who conceal their homosexual identity. The developmental stages of the coming out process. Current assessment and direction for the future. National Academy Press; Ethnicity-related sources of stress and their effects on well-being.

Current Directions in Psychological Science. Human nature and the social order. Original work published Social stigma and self-esteem: Situational construction of self-worth. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. Crocker J, Major B. The self-protective properties of stigma. The handbook of social psychology. Crocker J, Quinn DM.

Social stigma and the self: Meanings, situations, and self-esteem.

INTRODUCTION

The social psychology of stigma. Oppositional identity and African American youth: Hawley W, Jackson A, editors. Toward a common destiny: Improving race and ethnic relations in America. Research on the work experience of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people: An integrative review of methodology and findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior.

Disclosure of sexual orientation, victimization, and mental health among lesbian, gay, and bisexual older adults. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth in community settings: Personal challenges and mental health problems. American Journal of Community Psychology. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender health: Journal of the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association. Deaux K, Ethier K. Sexual politics, sexual communities: The making of a homosexual minority in the United States, — Similarities and differences for lesbians and gay men.

Journal of Social Issues. Sexual identity, attractions, and behavior among young sexual minority women over a 2-year period. The impact of homophobia, poverty, and racism on the mental health of Latino gay men. Minority stress among lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals: A consequence of heterosexism, homophobia, and stigmatization. Stigma and sexual orientation: Understanding prejudice against lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals. Social status and psychological disorders: An issue of substance and an issue of method.

Adversity, stress, and psychopathology. Oxford University Press; a. Oxford University Press; b. The role of adversity and stress in psychopathology: Some evidence and its implications for theory and research. Journal of Health and Social Behavior. The structured event probe and narrative rating method for measuring stressful life events. Goldberger L, Breznitz S, editors. Theoretical and clinical aspects. Internalized homophobia and psychosexual adjustment among gay men. A study in sociology. Identity formation for lesbian, bisexual, and gay persons: Issues of identity in the psychology of Latina lesbians.

Psychological perspectives on lesbian and gay male experiences. A striking instance concerns a corollary of Ricardo's doctrine, i. In Brazil, for example, Joaquim Murtinho, the Brazilian minister of finance , would do nothing for "artificial" industries in the financial crisis of , since equal treatment of all economic activities by the state would amount, in his view, to "socialism" Murtinho, n. In Chile, nonetheless, export-led growth, focusing on the nitrate boom before and after the War of the Pacific, laid a foundation for a manufacturing sector, and a Chilean industrialists ' association appeared in This fact was less unusual than that some Chileans favoring industrialization discovered and consistently propagated the ideas of Friedrich List.

List found his leading Chilean disciple between and the First World War in the person of Malaquias Concha, who popularized List's infant industry argument see Concha, In the 's, Brazilian industrialists advanced "practical" arguments: Almost no one in the 's who sought to develop Latin America along capitalist lines viewed export-driven growth as a problem requiring fundamental rethinking, as would the Argentine economist Raul Prebisch by the early 's.

That is, for a given quantity of imports, Latin American countries would have to supply an ever-larger amount of exports. Specifically, Estrada, like Prebisch in a more systematic way in the 's, attributed the price-scissors problem principally to rising labor costs in manufacturing in the United States his nation's main trading partner.

This fact owed to trade-union activity, a pressure that was lacking in the price-formation of Latin American goods, which were chiefly agricultural. But Estrada did not generalize beyond his own country, and was only groping for measures to offset the falling prices of cacao, Ecuador's leading export at the time Estrada, Adding a touch of racism, Siciliano neatly adapted Manoilescu's theory, contending in that Brazil could not continue to rely on traditional exports, because of the lower wages that Africans and Asians would accept in competing agricultural activities, implicitly raising their labor productivities; thus agriculture in Brazil did not possess any intrinsic superiority to industry cited in Pupo Nogueira, Like Manoilescu and others in Romania, the three Brazilians also tried to parry the charge of "artificiality" by pointing to the apparent legitimacy of the coffee-roasting industry in the United States and the sugar-refining industry in England, for which domestic raw materials did no exist.

Manoilescu's prestige as an economist was complemented by his reputation as a theorist of corporatism. As in the case of Marxism, the literature on corporatism in French had a much larger impact than that in German. Manoilescu's attitudes may have been as influential as his social ideas, at least among the industrialists who first championed him.

They welcomed his unabashed elitism, his support of industrialization, his emphasis on the role of the state in the economy, and his insistence on the close link between nationalism and industrial development.


  • Services on Demand?
  • Dream Date [Dare to Dream] (Siren Publishing Classic).
  • .
  • No customer reviews?
  • Inside the President’s Helicopter: Reflections of a White House Senior Pilot.

Simonsen, who had frequently cited Manoilescu in the early 's, had ceased referring to the master by the Second World War. Meanwhile, in , Simonsen presided at an industrialists' congress which called for the "harmonious" development of agriculture and industry, and championed government aid to agriculture Congresso Brasileiro da Industria, Despite the general absence of theoretical foundations for industrial development, for those Latin American countries that had made industrial advances in the 's, increased self-sufficiency in the 's was a "second-best" option, in view of the sustained crisis in export markets.

Over the decade of the 's, industrial spokesmen grew bolder, except perhaps those Brazilians who had had initially followed Manoilescu. In , he supports a moderate and "rational" protectionism, and defends the manufacturers against the charge of promoting policies inimical to the interests of Argentine consumers; in , he even-handedly justifies protection for both industry and agriculture; and by he attacks the industrial countries as having themselves violated the rules of the international division of labor by developing large agricultural establishments, only choosing to buy abroad when convenient ; ; During the 's, industrialists pointed to the vulnerability of export economies, which they more frequently dubbed "colonial" in the process.

Governments, however, moved hesitantly and inconsistently toward addressing the problems of industry. In the Argentine Minister of Agriculture, Luis Duhau, proclaimed the necessity of producing industrial goods that could no longer be imported for lack of foreign exchange , and he pledged his government's support for the process.

Yet in the same month the Argentine government supported the U. Furthermore, as late as , Finance Minister Pinedo's plan for the economic development of Argentina still distinguished between "natural" and "artificial"industries, implying further that industrial development would occur in concert with the needs of the agricultural and pastoral sector Argentine Industrial Exhibition, ; Villanueva, In depression-era Brazil, dictator Getulio Vargas was proindustry Was he not the friend of all established economic interests?

But he opposed "artificial" industries manufacturing in his presidential campaign in , and government loans to "artificial" industries were still prohibited in Vargas only became committed to rapid industrial expansion during his Estado Novo dictatorship Although he said he could not accept the idea of Brazil s remaining a "semi-colonial" economy in , as late as , when the coffee market was still depressed after a decade of attempts to revive it, Vargas wanted to "balance" industrial and agricultural growth. Only in did a division for industrial development of the Bank of Brazil begin to make significant loans.

Protectionism in Mexico, according to one authority, "begins in earnest with the Second World War" Villareai, As director of the Central Bank from its inception in , Prebisch began to formulate his theories of unequal exchange between center and periphery. He assumed a greater rate of technological innovation in industrial countries, and argued that there were different responses to recessions by primary exporters and those exporting manufactures, because of the power of organized labor to maintain high Wages, and therefore high export prices, in the latter.

These propositions were not fully worked out until the latter 's, and were in part based on U. The question of how much Prebisch owed to Manoilescu was raised by Jacob Viner, the neoclassical trade theorist, a year after Prebisch's "manifesto" of , The Economic Development of Latin America and its Principal Problems. It seems probable, however, that Prebisch's ideas followed a different route to similar conclusions about the international trading system and the urgency of industrialization in underdeveloped countries Viner, At all events, the fact that Latin American policymakers clung to the ideology of free trade throughout the Great Depression seems to illustrate how slowly received ideas die.

The international trading system was in crisis over the whole period , but only at the end of the 's did ideological shifts flow from the observed fact that, in Argentina and Chile, industry's share of the national product was greater than agriculture's. Mexico and Brazil would soon follow. Admittedly, Latin American nations seemed to have more to lose than did eastern European countries before the Great Depression. Romania, for instance, reacting to the agricultural protectionism of central and western Europe, had begun efforts to industrialize as early as Almost simultaneously that country was threatened by more efficient grain producers "overseas," among which was Argentina, as the Romanian publicist Petru Aurelian noted in In the Western Hemisphere a Pax Americana had suceeded a Pax Britannica during the 's; thus Chile, Argentina, and Brazil never became combatants against each other after the downfall of the Argentine dictator Rosas in , when Brazilian troops fought on Argentine soil.

In Latin America, industrialization was fact before it was government policy, and policy before it was theory. And it is true that no matter how committed Latin Amercan governments might have been to the international trading system, government policy was sometimes incoherent or accommodationist for established interests, including industrialists. Still, before the 's, industrialization had few intellectual champions, though some other aspects of liberal ideology had been challenged much earlier.


  • Las bodas (Spanish Edition).
  • Why I Wasnt There:A Soldiers Memoir of World War II Revised Edition.
  • Final Rights: Reclaiming the American Way of Death?
  • Belle Fontaine (Spirited Women Series Book 2)!
  • American Naturalistic and Realistic Novelists: A Biographical Dictionary.

When a theoretical justification of industrialization appeared in , the Argentine economy would scarcely have been recognizable to intellectuals of Sarmiento's generation. They had advanced a liberal project, if not a bourgeois one. Prebisch and ECLA would reverse that emphasis, in effect inveighing against imperialism without abandoning capitalism. Academia de Stiinte Sociale si Politice Considerations on Western Marxism. Review of the River Plate, Dec. Bartra, Roger, et al. The European Periphery and Industrialization, Entrepreneurship in a Mixed Economy," in Raymond Vernon, ed. Dependency and Development in Latin America.

O pensamento industrial no Brasil Social Change in a Peripheral Society: The Creation of a Balkan Colony. Congresso Brasileiro de Industria Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic. Empresariado nacional e estado no Brasil. Editura Partidului Social-Democrat Originally published in Studiu economico-sociologic al problemei noastre agrare, in Opere Complete, Vol. Originally published in Land and Labour in Latin America: Eidelberg, Philip Gabriel The Great Rumanian Peasant Revolt of Origins of a Modern Jacquerie. Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil: Harcourt, Brace and World, Its Meaning and National Characteristics.

Weidenfeld and Nicholson, My Past and Thoughts. The Congress took place in Weidenfield and Nicholson, Development and Underdevelopment in Historical Perspective: Populism, Nationalism and Industrialization. Underdevelopment and Development in Brazil. George Allen and Unwin. Foreign Languages Publishing House. Imferialismul Economic si Liga Natiunelor. Doctrine du corporatisme integral et pur. Fortele nationale productive si comertul exterior: Pasado y Presente, Los grandes problemas nacionales.

Politics in the Semi-Periphery. Murtinho, Joaquim [Ministro da fazenda] n. See under United Nations. Em torno da tarifa aduaneira. Probleme si Soluti," Viitorul social, No. Los marxistas de El movimiento socialista en Argentina. El pensamiento de la derecha latinoamericana. El desarrollo de las ideas en la sociedad argentina del siglo XX.

A ideologia dos industriais brasileiros Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino Buenos Aires Originally published in Crises, Finances and Industry. Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier. Economic Commission for Latin America United Nations Originally published in Public Policy and Private Enterprise in Mexico. Autoritarismo e corporativismo no Brasil Oliveira Vianna e Companhia. Argentina in Depression and War, The Controversy over Capitalism: Studies in the Social Philosophy of the Russian Populists.

Zeletin, Stefan [pseud, for Stefan Motas] Origina si rolul ei istoric. As Dean notes, it is remarkable that Brazil, a country of continental proportions, should become dependent on a single crop, coffee, for three-fourths its export earnings in the latter 's Though these reforms were intended to bring the sons of workers and peasants the benefits of higher education, in fact they only opened the lecture halls to the middle classes. The bottleneck of secondary education, dominated by private schools, remained the insuperable barrier for the children of the lower classes.

Over time, especially in those countries where the universities, like other institutions, were weak such as Cuba and Peru , the professional student appeared. But prior to I do not wish to exaggerate the difference between Romania and Latin America in this regard; the two Romanians who receive the most attention below, Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Mihail Manoilescu, did not hold doctorates. But they debated men who did, which fact surely affected the level of discourse.

Written in , one year before the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution, his book was legalistic in approach, and his denunciations of the latifundium included the evils of absenteeism and low productivity decried by the eighteenth-century Sapnish philosopbe Gaspar Jovellanos, whom Molina cites. Molina displays an ambivalence toward foreign capital, and sees it as less sinister than the creole faction those descended from "pure" Spaniards. Molina did so because he believed the regime was appropriate for Mexico given its state of evolution at the time, despite the fact that much of the concentration of property had occured through Diaz's efforts to alienate public lands and village commons Spencer's long-term influence, however, given his strong emphasis on individualism and hostility to the state, was probably less important than that of Comte, whose values were more in tune with the Latin American ethos.

Personal communication from Charles A. This fact owed, in part, to the phenomenon of non-capitalist ground rent and the peasant's willingness to engage in superexploitation of his own and his family's labor. Publishing in , the same year as Lenin's The Development of Capitalism in Russia appeared, Kautsky believed the vast majority of German peasants were already proletarians or semiproletarians selling labor power.

Maiorescu, who had studied at Berlin, Paris, and Giessen, held a doctorate from the University of Vienna. The Junimea argued that Romania had not attained a state of development corresponding to its adoption of Western institutions, and that the failed revolution of against the Turkish Empire had not been the result of real aspirations of the country.

Maiorescu was deeply influenced by Hegel on the evolution of culture, and, like the German philosopher, believed that institutions such as the state could not change the organic "base," i. Racovski's similar analysis in " Chestia Agrara: Probleme si Soluti" Ohlin criticized Manoilescu's assumptions.

Why should the average productivity of all national industries be considered representative of that of the export industries? What justified the assumption that the price level of factors is everywhere equal, when it was known that money wages in the United States were more than ten times higher than in Romania?

Books by Rufus O. Jimerson

Why did Manoilescu only consider labor productivity in his calculations, and ignore capital and land? Ohlin's "fundamental criticism" was that, in addition to assuming factors of production can move from activities with low productivities to those with high productivities, Manoilescu also assumed that protection causes the transfer. But why, Ohlin asked, did this transfer not occur without protection, since price signals should favor the industries with higher productivities Viner made similiar criticisms in his review of Manoilescu's book In our own day some German language classics are available in Spanish, but not English; still others appeared in Spanish before their publication in English.

He considered Marx's theory of surplus value "an ingenious allegory" quoted in Ratzer, An unintended byproduct of this exchange policy was a degree of protection for national manufactures, but this effect was partly offset by higher costs of capital imports.

Drake for bringing this work to my attention. Paulo,8 March Aranha quotation. Interestingly, the artificiality charge came from the left as well. It was necessary to create such a market through the redistribution of wealth before industry could thrive, he believed All the contents of this journal, except where otherwise noted, is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License.

Services on Demand Journal. II The preceding survey of economic transformation, however brief, provides a foundation for understanding the ways in which Latin American social thinkers and statesmen of the era conceptualized their nation's place in the order of things. III The pensadores at issue lived in an age of triumphant liberalism, with manifold sub-themes and arabesques. How to cite this article. They are perceived as inherently corrupt, including those who have not yet been detected, apprehended or convicted, and covertly a threat to racial reproduction.

Holding and articulating this syndrome lowers their danger and fear from the dominate group that is exerting hegemony, privilege, rewards, sanctions and entitlements. Respectfully, these captives can be used to effectively undermine progress and humanity of their own out-group members to preserve the hegemonic hierarchy advantageous to the dominant in-group members of society.

Examples are drawn and examined in this work. I do hold that their survival trait in a hostile environment is problematic and needs to be replaced by self-determination and self-dignity elevated to raise their own worth and that of others regardless of race, color, creed or prior disadvantages. This work also demonstrates that I am deeply concerned about the corruption, cynicism, dishonesty, abuses of power and incompetence in our own ranks and that of the greater society.

Madhubuti in Black Men: I concur with his concern that leaders prefer to tap dance rather than take moral and ethical positions requiring action. So-called black leaders, chosen by hegemonic hierarchy to arrest or suspend African-Americas or minority development are harboring resources and knowledge from the less fortunate people. Read more Read less.