Vergleich der Soziologien von Max Weber und Alfred Schütz (German Edition)

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Finally, objections on the part of some scholars have been met with replies which seem persuasive on the part of scholars who are at least equally competent. These far-right forces were active in civil and politi- cal society.

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Karl Lueger, the anti-Semitic politician, represented them in the Parlia- ment and the local government. Lueger had the support of different social classes, including part of the aristocracy. Weber spent a relatively short period in Vienna in the autumn and spring For, Austria had become in the first decades of the past century a Catholic, anti-Semitic, and non-Liberal society. Weber, moreover, disliked the Freudian movement, which he largely identified with Otto Gross.

The available historical evidence suggests rather that Weber was not interested in Vienna as a foil to his thesis, but merely sought to enjoy whatever the city had to offer him from a cultural viewpoint. Swatos, Weber or Troeltsch? Methodology, syndrome, and the devel- opment of church-sect theory, in: Journal for the Scientific study of Religion 19 2, History of the Human Sciences 11 , has argued, the Varieties of Religious Experience by Wil- liam James exerted a significant impact on the inquiries of Weber and Troeltsch into the psychologi- cal and social significance of religion.

The Protestant Ethic Thesis, in: A Critique of the Critics, in: New Research on the Weber Thesis, in: Economy and Society 12 , ; ibid. Denzin, The Research Act, Chicago , Methodologies, Methods, and Meanings, in: Max Weber on Measurement and Mass Investigation, in: Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science 32 , MacKinnon, The Longevity of the Thesis: See Roth, Introduction, in: Origins, Evidence, Contexts, British Journal of Sociology 50 , Max Weber and The Modern West, in: Notes On Refutation, in: Politics and Culture, New York , A Biography, New Brunswick, N.

Schriften und Reden , hg. Marianne Weber, Max Weber: This includes also the differencies between the idealtypical methodology in his essays concerning the Protestant Ethic and his compara- tive approach in his later work. Die Berufsidee des asketischen Protestantismus Steinerts Weber-Kritik bezieht sich im Wesentlichen auf diese Textgrundlage. Eine kirchen- und sozialpolitische Skizze Bemerkungen zu der vorstehenden Replik Die protestantischen Sekten und der Geist des Kapitalismus Weber hat sich im Laufe der Zeit zunehmend von jener Hypothek befreit, die mit Rickerts Logik der historischen Begriffsbildung verbunden ist, und angefan- gen, selbst entsprechende Begriffs-Typologien auszuarbeiten.

Ideen, beherrschen unmittel- bar das Handeln der Menschen. Zwar nimmt er die von Weber her- vorgehobenen Differenzen zwischen Luther und Calvin sowie den protestantischen Sekten zur Kenntnis. Es handelt sich dabei um eine Reihe von historischen Erscheinungen, die Weber als zentrale Elemente bzw.

Heinz Steinert, Max Webers unwiderlegbare Fehlkonstruktionen. Translated by Talcott Parsons. With a Foreword by R. Tenbruck, Wie gut kennen wir Max Weber? Diese Bemer- kungen nehmen Bezug auf H. Her- ausgegeben von Hans G. Steinert, Max Webers unwiderlegbare Fehlkonstruktionen, ff. Lauermann ver- trat in diesem Vortrag folgende These, die Wolfgang J.


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Mommsen seinerzeit mit erheblichem Inte- resse zur Kenntnis genommen hatte und die hier nach einer unautorisierten Mitschrift zitiert wird: Gesamtausgabe, Band 11, hg. Otthein Rammstedt, Frankfurt am Main , Manfred Frank, Das individuelle Allgemeine. Zugleich eine Kri- tik der Tiefenhermeneutik, in: Wissenschaftstheoretische Untersuchungen zur Konstitutionsforschung und Psychologie, Leiden ; vgl.

Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft , ff. Steinert , 47 und f. Interpretation und Kritik, Frankfurt am Main Weber , 17 und Herausgegeben von Wolfgang J. Sociology within the Bounds of Pure Reason, in: American Journal of Sociology 84 , ; ferner Lichtblau, Die Eigenart der kultur- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Begriffsbildung, f.

Aus den nachgelassenen Vorlesungen herausgegeben von S. Winckelmann, Berlin , ff. Heinz Steinert maintained that the work could be understood only when readers understood its cultural context; that is, un- derstanding what Protestantism meant to Weber and his contemporaries. The critical need for this historical understanding of Protestantism is demanded by a reading of the very first pages. These statistics are taken from the Christopher Adair-Toteff, Postal address from now until early March Postal address from early March until early September This belief in the superiority of Protestantism was not peculiar to Weber; rather, it was embedded in German culture throughout most of the nineteenth century.

Weber insisted that he was not religious, but he was well-versed in the culture of German Protestantism. Weber was brought up in a Protestant household and he continued to be interested in Protestant religion and culture. He frequently published his writings in Die Christliche Welt, one of the main organs of Protestant political culture. At Heidelberg he was a very close friend and colleague of the Prot- estant theologian Ernst Troeltsch and he was a member of the Eranos-Kreis, which was devoted to investigating religious questions.

While Weber made important additions to the version, it is fundamentally a turn of the century work. It is my intention to honor Heinz Steinert by adding to his work which stresses the considerable importance that Kulturprotestantismus had for Max Weber. In the fourth section, I will discuss the impact that Treitschke had on Max Weber. Weber had a very complex reaction to Treitschke as a man and to his think- ing.

Like his contemporaries, Weber was immersed in the discussions about Protes- tantism and culture; but for him, Treitschke practically embodied some of the beliefs and values of Protestantism, culture, and politics. Consequently, nineteenth-century German Protestantism is one of the most important keys to unlocking the text of Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus. It is to the credit of both of them that their students took that positive interest in theology and religion and transformed it from being simply a matter of faith into the subject of serious scholarly concern.

This was demonstrated in a number of ways; first, by the new journals that the students of Schleiermacher and Hegel founded. Baur and the massive history of the Church by August Nean- der. This eighteen volume work was to have been under the editorship of Mat- thias Schneckenburger, who figures prominently in Die protestantische Ethik; but his early death meant that his influence was restricted primarily to the first volume.

This Deity is the creator God who cannot be fathomed. The first is the God of wrath Zorn ; the second is the God of love Liebe. He is to be feared.

However, Harnack maintains that Luther gave up this unconditional determinism soon after Instead of maintaining that most people were eter- nally damned, Luther now believed that God wants all to be saved. Instead of uncon- ditional wrath there is unconditional love. This two volume work appeared in with a second edition in These years include his life as a monk and as a professor.

And, they especially include his many vigorous fights against the Catholic Church. Thus, based upon the Bible, Luther questioned the Catholic account that pro- vided Peter with the sole authority over religious matters. And, he used that knowledge against the abuses by the Pope and by the Church. Consequently, Luther had considerable respect for Moses and the Law; it is just that Christ and grace replaced them. He shows how much Luther took from Augustine and from other mystics.

His latter rejection of mysticism was only partial: Thus, he argues against the church practice of celibacy and its refusal to allow mar- riage. He also takes it to task for the practices of general Mass and private confession. He condemns the church practices of praying to the Virgin Mary and the saints for protection and intercession.

Finally, he argues against the traditional church belief in Purgatory. And, the Catholic Church cannot claim to be a higher authority than the Bible.

Max Webers Protestantismus-These. Kritik und Antikritik | Christian Fleck - qexefiducusu.tk

The church is nothing more or less than the community of the holy ones; that is the community of the believers. While the German revolution of never materialized, many of the liberal sentiments that underlie it continued for decades. As Nipperdey writes, after , there were two major issues that concerned Germans: This was a struggle between Protes- tants and Catholics and has been described as a conflict between state and church. Which had the higher authority: Rudolf Sohm noted that some educated Catholics strongly objected to the Papal claim. The origin of the conflict can be centred on the doctrine of Papal infallibility which the Vatican announced in July The Pope had ruled over not just the Church but over the entire world in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, so the claim was that the contemporary Pope wanted to do the same.

This celebration was partially a reaction to Catholicism, but more so, it was the outpouring of immense pride in this great Ger- man. Virtually every major thinker was asked to give a speech. However, each of the four speakers stressed what he thought most important about Luther and his legacy. Moreover, he never forgot that he was a man of the people. He was not very interested in typical disputes and he tended to approve of the values in the new humanism. However, the sudden death of a close friend was such a shock that he temporarily lost that belief and took the vows of a monk.

In the same way, Luther objected to scholastic philosophy as being both too abstract and too subtle. When asked to recant, Luther said that he would not; when demanded to desist, Luther maintained that he could not. It was not a matter of external Church authority but was a matter of internal belief formed by his own reading of the Gospel.

It is powerful and personal; it is posi- tive and critical. It begins, however, in a rather surprising way. Ritschl reminds his audience that there are some who think that Luther was single-handedly responsi- ble for all modern positive developments. He cites a book published 80 years before, in which the author, a Frenchman by the name of Charles Villers, contended that Luther was responsible for modern science and the modern state.

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Furthermore, Luther provided the freedom in religion, morals, and history. Luther never wanted to be regarded as a pope nor as a prophet. Faith and trust in God were most important, patience and humility were also crucial. He begins by emphasizing that the Reformation did not spring full blown out of the Medieval Church like some Athena. The Reformation was not a total break from the Church. As with the Catholic Church, a number of Lutheran followers believed in the importance of the individual mystical union with God.

And, Ritschl objected to this, believing that it meant a return to the world-flee- ing, ascetic tendencies of the Catholic Church. It is not the knowledge of the visible Church that is impor- tant. Ritschl notes that without understanding this, one cannot understand Luther.

Ritschl quotes from Luther: He had yet to publish his Dogmengeschichte nor his Das Wesen des Christentums, but he had already made enough of a name for himself that his speech was bound to draw considerable interest. Harnack counts Luther as an incomparable man and one of the very few people who have changed history in general and Germany in particular. Is he not too great for us? Is he not too distant from us? Is he not too resolute for us? How can we know this man who was both as powerful as a hero and yet as simple as a child? Yet, even here there are difficulties: Luther had not discovered something important, like the laws of gravitation.

Nor, can one point to a single work and say, here is Luther, in the sense that one can consider that the Divine Comedy is Dante or perhaps Faust is Goethe. Only when we consider Luther in light of his religious con- victions can one begin to understand him. His religious beliefs were the secrets and the strengths of his life. This meant dealing with the questions concerning the pur- pose and the goal of human life. In fact, Harnack insists that it was maximal. At that time the Church was the fundamental power ruling almost everything.

As Augustine had taught, so it remained. Theology was primary and all else was subservient, including science. Augustine taught a two-world doctrine: This particu- lar type of metaphysic impeded all science. One truth was valid for theology and the other was valid for philosophy. As things had been, so they seemed destined to be forever. Harnack sug- gests that someone might wish to object to this picture because it appears to ignore the role of the Renaissance.

But, he addresses this: No manner of Churchly asceticism could lead us to God; instead, it was a matter of free, indi- vidual faith. Rather, it was the recognition of our subservience to God and with that a freedom from all earthly laws. In the love of God we find the highest law and the meaning of our lives. This was enormously significant, because it meant not only the break with the Church of the Middle Ages, but it also meant a return to the source. Instead of plac- ing his trust in the Church, Luther placed his faith in the Word of God.

That had additional implications: It also meant certainty for the worldly orders of marriage, family, state and Beruf. It was Luther who was respon- sible for the modern German state. Although Luther was not a politician, he was politically astute enough to help bring about the German nation in a manner that was more peaceful and required less force than anywhere else.

It was a matter for the state to determine laws, to regu- late loans, and to care for the poor. These were political duties and no longer fell under the province of the Church. In this respect they are far closer to the German Protestants than they are to their fellow Spanish believers. Treitschke was a frequent visi- tor to the Weber house in Berlin, when Max was young.

Max often mentioned him in his letters to his cousin, Otto Baumgarten. It would not be a great exaggeration to suggest that, with the exception of Bismarck himself, Treitschke represented the best and the worst of Ger- man nationalism and its connection to German Protestantism. Given these reasons, it seems odd and even unfortunate that we lack a serious study comparing Weber and Treitschke: What we do have is mostly psychological speculation.

Arthur Mitzman suggested that Treitschke was like a father figure, against whom young Max rebelled. For Treitschke, history is not a goal but is simply a means to win over the reader to his specific view of the present. For Treitschke is not an historian, but a party man and publicist, so truth and objectiv- ity do not matter. Baumgarten believes that nothing worse could happen to Ger- man education than if this attempt to draw students into the party struggles of the day becomes widespread. In a letter to his father, Max recounted a visit where Hausrath attacked Baumgarten, insisting that one could make dozens of Baumgartens out of one Treitschke.

Max wrote how he attempted to defend his uncle Hermann from his uncle Adolf, but that he was fearful that Adolf was going to turn his attack totally on him. Marianne wrote how Weber learned from that experience; he resolved never to allow himself to blur the lines between poli- tics and scholarship and that he would refrain from substituting subjective values for objective facts. In Wissenschaft als Beruf Weber objects to those who bring their values into the lecture hall, where there is no possibility of criticism. The ones who do are not teachers, but demagogues; people who want to be leaders.

In fact, it ranks among his fundamental principles of scholarship. This does not mean that Weber always followed his own advice. Anyone reading his speeches recognizes that he is prone to overstep his distinction between facts and values. An example of this is his Freiburg Antrittsrede, where his passionate nationalism overshadows his cool scholarship.

Examples of this can be found in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft where he announces the difference and then concedes that it is not as hard and fast as he had first indicated. One could insist further that Weber represented the other side, the side that valued scholarship, progress, and tol- erance. There is no doubting though that Treitschke thought there was absolutely nothing wrong in misusing scholarship in the service of Germany.

And, there is cer- tainly no question that Weber believed that this practice was intellectually dishonest and that it was morally reprehensible to do. He might not be completely convincing in his dis- cussions of what he took be its flaws. Steinert has shown that we must learn to read this work carefully and this is accomplished by recapturing its historical context.

Zur Begriffsgeschichte einer theologiepolitischen Chiffre, in: Auflage, Leipzig , Band I, , 93, 94, 96, In ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung und ihrem inneren Zusam- menhang, , I, Auflage, Leipzig , and Mulert, Ultramontanismus, in: Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte , , They include the Franciscans, Domini- cans, and certain groups of Augustiners, among others; s. Joseph Burg, Kontro- vers-Lexikon. Harnack offers an excellent but short account of their history and importance. Before the Thirteenth century monasteries were primarily filled with the sons of the nobility.

But, because of the influence of St. Francis and others the poor as well as the rich went to live and study there. Harnack also credits the Bettelorden for the great scholastics as well as for the inspiration for the great artists of that century; s. Seine Ideale und seine Geschichte, in: Weber on Conscience, Conviction and Conflict, in: History of the Human Sciences, vol. Mommsen notes that Weber never listed him as his academic teacher. Barth, Von Treitschke, in: Mommsen, Max Weber, With reference to the Protestant Ethic by Max Weber it will be shown that Weber favoured an ambitious research program.

In line with F. Philological tact; Usener-School of history of religion; ideal type; conceptual jurisprudence Begriffsjurisprudenz ; objective judgements of possibility Kries ; theological value judgements. Professor an die Ruperto Carola gekommen. Use- ner] ausgegangenen, religionsgeschichtlichen Forschung innerhalb der klas- sischen Philologie geworden. Nun soll die Religion Gegenstand geschichtlicher Forschungen wer- den. Die zur Anwendung gebrachte Konstruktionslo- gik hat im Konstruktivismus der Begriffsjurisprudenz eine offensichtliche Entspre- chung: Saeculum 41 , , Im Ganzen fanden die Auffassungen des Ref[erenten] Zustimmung.

Anthropologie und Antike seit , Frankfurt am Main , ff. History of European Ideas 36 , Rainer Lepsius, Interessen und Ideen. Die Zurechnungsproblematik bei Max Weber, in: Essays on the Protestant Ethic, Wiesbaden , , Origins, Evidence, Contexts, New York u. Siehe auch Antje Wessels, Ursprungszauber. Causality, Explanation, and Under- standing, in: New Studies in the History of Science and Technology, vol. Scharpf, Kontingente Generalisierung in der Politikforschung, in: Max Webers Auseinandersetzungen mit der Histori- schen Rechtsschule, in: Juristen Zeitung 62 , Rechtstheorie 33 , Siehe hierzu Treiber, a.

Akademische Festrede gehalten zu Heidelberg am 2. Novem- ber bei Antritt des Prorectorats, in: Helmholtz, Lehre von den Tonempfindungen, f. Elemente von Kants reflektierender Urteilskraft in Savignys Lehre von der juristischen Entscheidungs- und Regelfindung, Frankfurt am Main , ff. Jahrhundert ein auch in anderen Disziplinen oft gebrauchter Begriff. Chris- tian Helfer, Hg. Siehe ferner Meder, Urteilen, 84 ff. Ist das Allgemeine die Regel, das Prinzip, das Gesetz gegeben, so ist die Urteilskraft, welche das Besondere darunter subsumiert […] bestimmend.

Hierauf folgt dann der Satz: WL, , ff. Com- puter models of scientific discovery, in: Untersuchungen am Beispiel der Entdeckung des Harnstoffzyklus, Bern , wenigstens: Simmel Newsletter 1 , Rechtshistorisches Journal 16 , Erk Volkmar Heyen, Hg. Entfaltung einer Einheit in einer Mannigfaltigkeit, die dadurch als ein Sinnzusammenhang erkannt wird.

Zum Vergleich sei auf Weber verwiesen: Zu Karl Larenz siehe, Methode der Rechtswissen- schaft, 3. Eine logische Einlei- tung in die historischen Wissenschaften, 3. Zur Kritik der interpretatorischen Vernunft, Frankfurt am Main , f. Lepsius, Institutio- nenanalyse und Institutionenpolitik, in: Sociologia Internationalis 29 , On the one hand he was committed to discuss the historical role and the political implications of capitalism in this jour- nal; on the other hand his co-editor Werner Sombart had just published a massive two-volume work on Modern Capitalism which Weber seriously dis- liked.

He asked the most renowned expert in the field of the history of economics of his time, Lujo Brentano, to write a review. At first, Brentano tentatively agreed to do so, and Weber promised to pro- vide him with bibliographical information. As Weber had to find out over time, however, Brentano never submitted a review.

Diesem Aspekt gilt der folgende Beitrag. Und dann kam Weber ohne Umschweife zur Sache: Sie muss aber durchaus nicht ablehnend gewesen sein, denn Weber replizierte bereits am Oktober in mehrfacher Hin- sicht aufschlussreich. Aus dem Brief vom Webers Formulierungen im Brief vom Der Grund ist nicht bekannt. Das wird aus einem weiteren Brief Webers an Brentano vom Brentanos Antwort auf Webers Brief vom Erst wurde diese Rede in stark erweiterter Form von Brentano publiziert.

Mai schrieb Weber in dieser Sache noch einmal an Brentano. Dessen Studie von , die in einer zweiten Auflage herauskam, war ihm wohl ver- traut. Wie Heinz Steinert nachgewiesen hat, entwarf er dabei jene teilweise spekulativen Argu- mentationsketten, die am Ende nur das belegten, was er am Beginn postuliert hatte. Anmerkungen 1 Bis dahin war Heinrich Brauch der Herausgeber gewesen. Die Genesis des Kapitalismus, Band 2: Die Theorie der kapitalistischen Entwicklung, beide Leipzig Weber, Die protestantische Ethik, in: AfSSp 20, , 20, Anm.

Weber stand seit in direktem Briefkontakt mit Brentano. Nach Lenger, Sombart, und , Anm. Dieser Brief vom 4. Alle Unterstreichungen hier und folgend im Original. Auflage , Band 13, Der Brief vom Oktober wurde von Weber wahrscheinlich seiner Mutter, Helene Weber, diktiert. Mommsen stellte aufgrund des letzten Satzes in diesem Brief in: Max Weber Studies 5.

Gegen diese Interpretation sprechen mehrere Argumente. Zu Webers Vortrag in St. Wirtschaft, Staat und Sozialpolitik. Schriften und Reden —, hg. Unterstreichun- gen im Original. Insipiens an Sapiens, in: Alle Unterstreichungen im Original. Dieser Brief ist nur mit Aus dem Kontext ist jedoch ersichtlich, dass er vom Mai stammen muss und nicht vom Mai oder AfSSp 30 , Weber ver- sus Sombart, in: Die Entstehung des modernen Kapitalismus: Weber contra Sombart, in: Die Weber-These nach zwei Generationen, in: Siehe AfSSp 21 , 43, Anm.

Im Eranos-Kreis hatte Jellinek am 3. Bernard Cohen, Puritanism and the Rise of Science: The Birth of Occidental Rationality. Steinert, however, brings in a methodological dimension about how to interpret classics in the proper pursuit of intellec- tual history, in the search for a pragmatic balance between formative experi- ences, context and tradition. Niccolo Machiavelli and Max Weber are both manifestations of Modernity, in different epochs. There are amazingly many affinities between them. They both need to be understood and interpreted in context, yet being significant in a long line in intellectual history, characterized by anti-metaphysics, calcu- lability and demise of natural law.

This tradition has many opponents. Tradition and Long lines1 in intellectual history open for a pragmatic balance. There are early birds, such as Marsilius of Padua and Thomas Aquinas. This might be the main achievement of Steinert: This has inhibited progress in issues of interpreta- tion where context evidently matters. How these indicators relate to each other not lucid, and secularization is mostly seen as a main feature, the meaning of which is disputed.

Moreover, concepts of modern- ization and rationalization appear as overlapping. It is thus amazing that nobody really as yet wrote about the many affinities between Max Weber and Niccolo Machiavelli, as two prominent representatives of Western Modernization, from two formative periods, four centu- ries apart. Modern capitalist rationality had its origin or at least take-off in the West. Singapore offers one example of this. Weber and Machiavelli are both anti-natural law thinkers with the rational actor model as basic metaphor and their contributions could be subsumed under the common label secularization of social thought.

They can both be seen as proto-rational-choice thinkers. Contingency, timing, the successful combination of virtu and fortuna, is impor- tant to both. To catch the right moment is crucial in the art of politics. The contractarian individual utility approach of both thinkers are in contrast to sociological thinking which really has its take off with the Four stages theories in Scottish Enlightenment and with Samuel Pufendorf as an early bird. There are other early birds, such as Marsilius of Padua and Thomas Aquinas. Otherwise most points Steinert makes are no doubt well founded, and hard to refute.

They are, however, hardly innovative and he kicks in already wide open doors. Yet his book has relevance for the perennial issue of the nature and birth of Occidental Modernity and inherent problems of interpretation. That social science is a battle-field for concept formation is a well-known fact, and Modernity is a cen- tral and vague and contested concept.

Weber does not refer a whole lot to Machiavelli but it is a significant formative early influ- ences. He has a high omnipresence in Germany in the late 19th century. Wolfgang Momm- sen writes, referring to Mayer: The religious echoes in Mayer are absent in Mommsen, who appears more as a moralistic liberal with a natural law tendency. They also judge the relationship differently. The relationship between Weber and Machiavelli is also noticed by French scholars, like Raymond Aron and Eugene Fleischmann, in a similar vein.

Although Weber is a fountainhead for competing sociolo- gies he is also an anti-sociologist within sociology, part of a much longer tradition, of secularization of social thought. The many parallels are intriguing for several reasons, e. Context evidently matters, as Quentin Skinner and other scholars claim. But classics cannot be reduced to their contexts, and evidently other factors are at work, such as formative experiences and tradition.

Calculability and rational actor-paradigm is a significant step towards the secu- larization of social thought. Machiavelli and Weber carry straws to the same stack. To avoid uncontrolled value-intrusion is crucial in instrumental means-end- rational policy science promoting postulated goals. Machiavelli and Weber pioneer such endeavours. Values as such, somewhat paradoxically, serve the purpose of objectivity and intersubjectivity, through being made explicit.

Moreover, rational calculation and capitalism go hand in hand. Rational book-keeping is only one note- worthy example of the rationality that emerges during the Renaissance. Weber shares the same notion in applied value philosophy that later on is develo- ped by Gunnar Myrdal and Arnold Brecht,20 that values are indispensable as points of departure for cognitive inquiry but that the explicit use of values as tools for selection from vast reality at the same time is a remedy against uncontrolled value intrusion value bias.

The procedure becomes part of the standard positions of mainstream social science, as well as history, as a way to cope with matters of selec- tion and intersubjectivity. The so called scientific value relativism is a virulent doc- trine, resisting many critiques. Weber had a part in laying down the foundations of modern instrumental policy science, means-end-analyses rationalizing value-hier- archies.

Philosophy is ahead of its applications. The inherent predicament of relativism and value-incommensurability22 that fol- lows from historicism is a hard blow to any belief in objective time-less norms and natural law thinking. The historicists themselves did not always see this and could adhere to objective values.

This generated the crisis that Weber responded to, in his methodological essays after his recovery from his own nervous crisis. It is notable that several scholars at about the same time expressed related albeit not identical views on the important matter of objective norms. Even if the peak of this today also post-Modern theme occurs in the early s, there is fertile soil in philosophy, already through vari- ous Scottish moralists and Hume in particular.

Weber was somewhat familiar with Westermarck.

While the latter holds that values are neither true nor false, or in a sharper variation always false, Weber rather says that we cannot say whether they are true or false, by scien- tific means. Both could, however, be subsumed under the same general doctrine of scientific value-relativism. We need value-objectives but cannot find them. This makes ready soil for the Weber- Myrdal pragmatic solution.

In recent years H. Bruun has returned to the Weber- Rickert nexus, drawing on new material, the so called Nervi fragments, as noted by Steinert. They cannot be intersubjectively operationalized in the same sense as statements concerning for instance size or tem- perature. The polemic front in common is against natural law thinking. In the case of Machiavelli four centuries earlier it is more appropriate to speak about a-natural law thinking. In the case of Gunnar Myrdal the choice is institutionalized, since his demand that values serving as points of departure should be significant and relevant to the social context in which it functions is a restriction that in his case is operationalized in terms of ideologies of parties or goals of social movements, a top- down social engineering peaking in the period — Weber rather saw the pro- fessor as the one to generate or manifest the proper cultural values.

Scientific value relativism is also ecumenical in the sense that it does not really presuppose a definite answer to the old chestnut question whether social thought should be primarily a normative or cognitive undertaking, it rather regulates the proper relationship between the two realms, in order to promote cognitive know- ledge and adjust to scientific criteria, such as testability. Mayer claims he was ignorant of. He has misinterpreted Socrates and Plato for whom values and science were inseparably bound together.

Tradition The numerous parallels between Weber and Machiavelli see Appendix 1 illus- trate a methodological dilemma, as well as the lingering relevance of old and dead thinkers. There are so many striking parallels between Machiavelli and Weber. They are significant, indicating that context has to be supplemented by tradition, for the full understanding and best interpretation.

Machiavelli and Weber have survived and reach out to ever changing reader- ships in new generations. Nation-building is the main policy-concern of both. The Renaissance and the Reformation give birth to individualism and the ratio- nal actor model, while Scottish Enlightenment gives birth to sociology, a significant younger project than the one Machiavelli, Hobbes and Weber was engaged in, res- ponding to an arising interest in learning what goes on below the surface of indus- trialized capitalist society.

As late as in Wissenschaft als Beruf Weber characterizes himself as a political economist, already in the second sentence. He can at least be seen as a proto-rational choice thinker, just as Swedberg and Norkus conceive of him. Today rational-choice is the most elaborate version of the long tradi- tion to which both Machiavelli and Weber belong. This is in a way a continuation of the old Methodenstreit, which is recurring. This might be both arguable and debateable but there is lots of supportive evidence.

Hobbes and Bentham are working in the same direction as are Machiavelli and Weber, only to mention two more prominent cases. Hutchinson and Mandeville definitely are steps forward in the seculari- zing direction. There is no need for any natural law notions in his Newtonian system of political analysis. God is moved from the context of disco- very to the context of justification.

Natural law remains as merely an empty label for our basic instincts in short and brutish lives in the state of war, with its fear. Bentham is very explicit in his criticism of natural law and definitely marks a further step from jus to lex, in his characterization of natural law as nonsense on stilts and right and wrong as fictitious entities.

Rational cal- culation is an important thread in common to all scholars in this tradition. A pure nomothetic approach, in which reality exclu- sively is regarded as phenomena to be explained, is evidently more rare in the field of social science: His inaugural speech Freiburger Antrittsrede from the mids is illus- trative in this sense, with its vehement nationalist and bourgeois tone, yet never allowed to distort instrumentality in policy recommendations.

Although the relative importance of nationalism vs. It is coloured by the failures of in Frankfurt am Main and the legacy of the Bismarckian Obrigkeitsstaat. Firm norms are a remedy against frustration. The individual has to take on the responsibility of his own value-choices, thus creating meaning, which is necessary to avoid pure post- modernist disorientation Nietzsche and Kierkegaard. Rationalizing value-hierarchies should preferably be relevant for some significant actors, e. The professors had a task in identifying with the pan-German national enter- prise and articulate the steering ideas of the new nation.

Myrdal in brief repre- sents a more institutionalized mode of catching value points of departure, with a role for parties and organizations to make his values relevant and significant. It is not that clear to which extent Machiavelli reflected over the norm-sender problem. Notable is that his actual procedure does not violate the instrumentality of his policy science, i.

Machiavelli does not speak about God, which is in sharp con- trast to almost all previous analyses. God is mentioned by Machiavelli. There are no reasons to believe that he was not a religious man, only to note that God has no place in his very secular analy- sis, where the aim is inner-worldly in a sense that would be rather alien to Medie- val analysts. His line of reasoning has a secular and instrumental tone, which simply sounds new; he actually appears as centuries in advance of his own time.

Yet his policy stu- dies are an adequate answer to the Florentine situation, with dangerous and deman- ding neighbours, both Italian and foreign, and constitutional instability, a leadership and a legitimacy problem. His diplomatic experiences, conversations with Cesare Borgia, and negotiations with neighbouring powers, the French king, etc, provided the inner-worldly aims, not quite to become fulfilled until , with the capture of Rome.

The classics and their historicity: The combination of time-less validity and time- bound tasks are in common to Weber and Machiavelli. They try to answer similar questions of their respective days in a way that has a methodological perennial rele- vance and still need fuel from the immediate societal surrounding, with its agenda of nation building and legitimation of power.

True, Machiavelli as a pioneer in modern social science calls for some symp- tomal reading. What we find are indicators of embryonic character. This man in a short time restored peace and unity with the grea- test success. Afterwards the duke considered that it was not advisable to confer such excessive authority, for he had no doubt but that he would become odious, so he set up a court of judgment in the country, under a most excellent president, wherein all cities had their advocates.

And because he knew that the past severity had caused some hatred against himself, so, to clear himself in the minds of the people, and gain them entirely to himself, he desired to show that, if any cruelty had been practised, it had not originated with him, but in the natural sternness of the minister. Under this pretence he took Ramiro and one morning caused him to be executed and left on the piazza at Cesena with the block and a bloody knife at his side. The barbarity of this spectacle caused the people to be at once satisfied and dismayed.

His rough ruler by no means is a Leviathan, instead being a produce of a democratic milieu, in the sense that the people in at least a mediated way is an instance of legitimacy. One might manipulate the people but tyranny is pointless and unstable. The central Machiavellian concepts of Virtu and Fortuna are parallel to indicators of charismatic leadership in Weber. Both Machiavelli and Weber reflects their respective Zeitgeist but with a preserved core of universal validity at least in the Occident, which however become ever more universal, with the diffusion of Western rationality.

Like Machiavelli Weber lived in an era in search for national identity. His value-system is time-typical, albeit still relevant today, in the post predicament. He had to turn to Il Principe as the beneficiary or agent of his theoretical efforts. Weber with his charismatic leader as a remedy against the petrification in the iron cage comes up in the end with a similar solution. The power vacuum after the fall of Bismarck had to be filled.

Weber advocated a combination of strong leader- ship and parliamentary control, which was a variation of parliamentarian rule adjus- ted to the particular circumstances created by deutscher Sonderweg and the failure of liberalism in The Weberian notion of plebiscitary leadership democracy has caused much confusion.

To Weber, however, contemporaries such as Lloyd George and Gladstone were the paradigma- tic cases. Soziologische Theorien, 9 Quellen im Literaturverzeichnis, Sprache: Manche divergieren, andere kongruieren miteinander. Danach widme ich mich der Emergenzkonstellation beider Theorien und werde sich anhand dieser vergleichen. Im Fazit reflektiere ich noch einmal die erarbeiteten Ergebnisse. Read more Read less.

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